The Truth About Mexicans & Puerto Ricans, Pt. 1 - Enclave
Currently, the average Mexican, Puerto Rican, and other Hispanic woman can In summary, Table shows that trends for each dimension of family life are. Puerto Ricans think Mexicans are the lazy, gibbering, thieving . (I then opted for an Asian — a Korean J.A.P., in fact — dating her for seven years.) María la del Barrio and other shows, as well as the classic Mexican ballads. Show simple item record decostarica.infoioned, TZ In addition, the results show that both Mexican and Puerto Rican females in this data.
What percentage of all households are family households? Census Bureau defines a family household as a household maintained by a householder who is in a family; a family is a group of two or more people one of whom is the householder who are related by birth, marriage, or adoption and reside together U. Given the growing role of cohabitation in U.
The Truth About Mexicans & Puerto Ricans, Pt. 1
Thus, we depart from the Census Bureau's definition of a family household by treating cohabitation as a family status. Households in which the householder is cohabiting with a partner are therefore included as family households in Tables and The top panel of Table presents unadjusted percentages for all households and for households broken down by the generational status of the householder.
Because the propensity to live in family versus nonfamily households varies by age, we also present comparable information standardized for the age of the householder.
The age-standardized percentages are especially important for comparisons between Hispanic subgroups and non-Hispanic whites, since the former are relatively young populations.
Both the unstandardized and age-standardized percentages for all households i. The age-standardized percentages for Hispanic groups range from 72 percent Puerto Ricans to 82 percent Mexicanswhile those for non-Hispanic whites and non-Hispanic blacks are 69 and 66 percent, respectively.
For example, 84 percent of households headed by a first-generation Mexican are family households, compared with 81 percent of households headed by a second-generation Mexican and 78 percent of households headed by a Mexican in the third or higher generation. Although the pattern for Cubans is not linear, households in which the householder is third or higher generation are the least likely to be family households.
Table provides information on various structural characteristics of family households. We distinguish between married-couple households, cohabiting-couple households, and households with a female householder who does not live with a partner. Cuban and Mexican households are the most likely to be headed by a married couple 75 and 69 percent, respectively, compared with 79 percent for non-Hispanic whites and the least likely to be headed by a female with no spouse or partner present 16 and 18 percent, respectively, compared with 11 percent for non-Hispanic whites.
Puerto Ricans represent the other extreme: Cohabitation is the least common arrangement shown, but it is significant for all groups. About 6 to 7 percent of Hispanic family householders in all subgroups except Cubans 4 percent live with a cohabiting partner.
These percentages are slightly higher than that for non-Hispanic whites 5 percent and roughly comparable to that for non-Hispanic blacks 6 percent. Other noteworthy group differences for all family households are the slightly larger household size and the greater prevalence of extended families 12 among Hispanics, relative to non-Hispanic whites.
With respect to the latter, about 6 to 10 percent of family households in each Hispanic subgroup are extended, compared with 3 percent of non-Hispanic white family households. The figure for non-Hispanic blacks 7 percent is comparable to those presented for the Hispanic groups.
One explanation points to differences in the structural positions of the groups, especially the disadvantaged socioeconomic status of some Hispanic subgroups and non-Hispanic blacks relative to non-Hispanic whites. Evaluation of these perspectives is complex and beyond the scope of the present study; however, to provide some information on the role of structural characteristics, we standardized the educational distributions of the groups being compared.
Specifically, using direct standardization, we calculated what the family characteristics of each group would be if the educational distribution of its householders was the same as that of non-Hispanic white householders.
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For example, the percentage of family households with a female householder was 15 percent for Cubans, 17 percent for Mexicans, and 29 percent for Puerto Ricans in the standardized analysis, compared with 11 percent for non-Hispanic whites.
In the unstandardized analysis, it was 16 percent for Cubans, 18 percent for Mexicans, and 34 percent for Puerto Ricans. Table also shows differences in family household characteristics by the generational status of the householder. Although there are some inconsistencies across national-origin groups, the pattern for several Hispanic subgroups suggests declining familism across generations.
For example, among Mexicans, foreign-born householders are more likely to be married and less likely to cohabit or to be female family heads than their native-born counterparts. Among the foreign-born, 72 percent are married, 5 percent are cohabiting, and 15 percent are single female householders; the comparable figures for the native-born of native parentage are 65 percent married, 7 percent cohabiting, and 22 percent single female householders.
In addition, the mean household size and the percentage of extended family households are higher among foreign-born Mexicans than native-born Mexicans.
For example, among the foreign-born, 10 percent of households are extended, compared with 7 percent among the native-born of native parentage. However, there are irregular or opposite patterns for Cubans and other Hispanics. When the educational distribution of household heads is standardized each generation of each Hispanic subgroup given the educational distribution of the total non-Hispanic white populationthe generational patterns remain unchanged results not shown.
Living Arrangements The structure and composition of households are experienced by individuals in different ways as they move through the life course. Some of the largest differences in living arrangements by race and ethnicity are found for children. Again, the figures for Hispanics fall between the extremes represented by the experience of non-Hispanic whites 77 percent and non-Hispanic blacks 37 percentalthough Hispanics are generally closer to whites.
As one would expect, Puerto Rican 46 percent and non-Hispanic black children 49 percent are the most likely to live in a mother-only family. There is less racial and ethnic variation in living arrangements in early adulthood 18 to 24 and the middle adult years 25 to However, several group differences are noteworthy. In early adulthood, Cubans stand out for their comparatively low rates of household headship and high propensity to remain in the parental home.
Fully 62 percent of Cubans ages 18 to 24 live in their parent's household, compared with less than 50 percent for all other Hispanic groups. This living arrangement may facilitate the relatively high levels of education attained by Cubans in young adulthood.
This pattern carries over to middle adulthood ages 25 to 64and in fact is one of the major ways in which living arrangements vary by race and ethnicity during the middle adult years.
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Doubling up with relatives may be an economic strategy that is employed under conditions of economic disadvantage. In particular, Hispanics are considerably more likely to live with other relatives and less likely to live alone than are non-Hispanic whites. These differences undoubtedly reflect both differences in economic resources and cultural preferences regarding the care of the elderly. However, in Table we provide data for Mexican Americans on generational differences in living arrangements among children and the elderly.
The top panel shows a striking difference between children with foreign-born parents first- and second-generation children and children with native-born parents. Children in the former groups are much more likely to live with both parents 72—73 percent than children in the latter group 56 percent.
About 17 percent of first-generation children live with only one parent 14 percent with mother and 3 percent with fathercompared with 24 percent of second-generation children and 37 percent of native-born children with native-born parents. Thus, children of the foreign-born experience greater parental union stability than children of the native-born. The situation of Mexican American elderly persons also varies by generation.
First, foreign-born elderly persons are less likely to be the householder or the spouse or partner of the householder 54 percent than the native-born of foreign parentage 69 percent or the native-born of native parentage 63 percent.
They are also less likely to live alone 15 percent, compared with about 20—21 percent for the native-born groups. Instead, the foreign-born are considerably more likely to live with other relatives 30 percentsuch as their children, than the native-born of foreign percentage 9 percent and native parentage 14 percent.
Overall, Hispanics exhibit higher levels of familism than non-Hispanics on most of the structural indicators examined. A notable exception is female family headship, which is considerably more prevalent in all Hispanic subgroups than among non-Hispanic whites. At the same time, there is considerable diversity in the family characteristics of Hispanics by both national origin and generation.
Although the findings are not entirely consistent across Hispanic groups, within-group generational differences generally suggest declining familism across generations.
This is especially the case for Mexican Americans, a group that exhibits lower levels of family-oriented behavior on every indicator among the native-born compared with the foreign-born. However, the social construction of race and ethnicity—and the complexities involved in racial and ethnic identities—are increasingly emphasized by contemporary social scientists.
The dominant view is that racial and ethnic categories reflect shared social meanings, rather than biological differences between groups, and that social interpretations of the categories are tied to long-standing power differentials Waters, In addition, the fluidity of racial and ethnic identities across situations, over time, and across generations is stressed.
The prevalence of intermarriage is strongly influenced by two factors: Some studies of intermarriage have taken as their primary question the extent to which social boundaries exist between groups i.
In this chapter, our aim is descriptive and thus does not require controlling for demographic factors. Our goal is to describe patterns of ethnic mixing in marriage, cohabitation, and parenthood. One important mechanism through which this potentially occurs is fertility.
For instance, offspring with one Hispanic parent and one non-Hispanic white parent are likely to identify more weakly with a specific Hispanic subgroup or with the pan-ethnic Hispanic or Latino labels than offspring with two Hispanic parents, especially coethnic parents Duncan and Trejo, ; Hirschman, In Tablewe present summary information on ethnic endogamy 16 versus exogamy in marriages and cohabiting unions. For marriages, there are differences in levels of ethnic endogamy across Hispanic groups, with Mexican Americans exhibiting a higher level of endogamy than all other groups.
Among married Mexican women, 84 percent have a Mexican husband; the corresponding figures are 74 percent for Cubans, 65 percent for Central Americans and South Americans, 62 percent for Puerto Ricans, and 55 percent for other Hispanics. The higher level of in-group marriage among Mexican Americans is undoubtedly influenced by the size of the U.
Mexican population, which allows for relatively high levels of contact with other Mexican Americans. The generational pattern with respect to ethnic endogamy in marriage is very similar across Hispanic groups. In each Hispanic subgroup, there is a marked decline in ethnic endogamy from the first generation to the second.
Among Mexicans and Puerto Ricans, a decline is also evident between the second generation and the native-born with native parents; however, among Central Americans and South Americans and other Hispanics, roughly comparable percentages of second- and third or higher -generation women are married to partners with similar national origins.
The other side of endogamy is exogamy, and the data for each Hispanic subgroup indicate that married Hispanic women who do not have a co-ethnic husband are relatively likely to be married to a non-Hispanic white. Exogamous marriages represent 16 percent — 84 of all marriages among Mexican American women; in such marriages, 78 percent The generational pattern with respect to marriages between Hispanics and non-Hispanic whites is also important.
In each Hispanic subgroup, the percentage of women with a non-Hispanic white husband rises dramatically across generations. The second most common type of exogamous marriage involves Hispanic spouses from dissimilar national origins.
Marriages with Hispanic but not coethnic husbands constitute 15 percent 2. Table also presents information on cohabiting unions. With few exceptions, the overall level of ethnic endogamy is lower for cohabiting unions than for formal marriages.
Among Mexican Americans, for example, 74 percent of all cohabiting unions are endogamous, compared with 84 percent of marriages. In particular, exogamous cohabiting unions are generally less likely to involve a non-Hispanic white partner and more likely to involve a Hispanic partner or a black partner than are exogamous marriages. The figures for black partners are especially striking. Among Mexican American women, for example, about 4 percent.
Similarly, among Puerto Ricans, 11 percent 4. Due to sample size limitations, the full array of generational differences in endogamy in cohabiting unions can be presented only for Mexican Americans. Among Mexican Americans, the generational pattern of endogamy is similar to, albeit stronger than, that observed for marriages—declining percentages in endogamous unions across generations.
In addition, exogamous unions involving Mexican American women and non-Hispanic white partners become more common in each successive generation. This is also the case for unions with non-Hispanic black partners, but the overall percentage of unions with non-Hispanic blacks is small.
Interethnic unions are of interest in their own right, but their consequences for ethnic boundaries are greatest when they produce children. We have seen that mixed unions among Hispanic women most commonly involve a non-Hispanic white partner.
Because such unions both signal and facilitate assimilation into mainstream white society, their offspring are likely to identify less strongly with their Hispanic national origins than children with two coethnic parents.
One hundred seventy people lost their jobs," he said. While it wasn't very funny, the argument could be made that unfunny sitcoms about white families tend to last many more seasons.
Seriously, did anyone ever laugh during According to Jim? That lasted eight seasons Resurrection Blvd Resurrection Blvd Set in East Los Angeles, California, the drama centered on a family that had three generations of boxers and their struggles to find some sort of equilibrium between their acculturated American traditions and the Latino values that are sacrosanct in Latino culture. American Family American Family: While most young actors aren't nominated for acting awards at the Golden Globes, the Mexican actress's badass performance as Max Guevara—a genetically enhanced super-soldier—was too incredible for the Hollywood Foreign Press Association to ignore.
Unfortunately, while the show had a loyal cult-following, the ratings weren't big enough to get a renewal for a third season. Then again, the show was set inso maybe it was too ahead of its time?Puerto ricans vs Mexicans ???
Except when it comes to a Latino remake of a quintessentially American show. The coming-of-age show was narrated by an older version of the main character in each episode, played by John Leguizamo.